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How Giuliani Associates Bought Their Way to Top of Republican Party

U.S. President Donald Trump says he doesn’t know the two Soviet-born associates of his personal lawyer, Rudy Giuliani, who were indicted on charges of campaign finance violation Thursday.

“I don’t know those gentlemen,” Trump said Thursday, referring to Ukrainian-born Lev Parnas and Belarus-born Igor Fruman. “Now, it’s possible I have a picture with them, because I have a picture with everybody.”

In fact, records paint a much closer relationship, highlighting how the two Florida-based businessmen bought their way to the top echelons of the Republican party with hundreds of thousands of dollars in contributions to pro-Trump Republican campaigns.

As early as March 2018, Fruman attended a donor meeting with Trump at the president’s Mar-a-Lago resort in Palm Beach, Florida,

Former U.S. Ambassador to Ukraine Marie Yovanovitch, center, flanked by lawyers, aides and Capitol police, leaves the Capitol, Oct. 11, 2019, in Washington, after testifying to the House Intelligence, Foreign Affairs and Oversight committees.

Moreover, Marie Yovanovitch, the former U.S. ambassador to Ukraine who testified Friday that Trump had pressured the State Department to force her out after losing confidence in her, blamed Giuliani and his two associates for undermining her with false assertions. She suggested that Parnas and Fruman might have felt financially threatened by her anti-corruption efforts in Ukraine, The Washington Post reported.

“The fact that these two individuals were working with Giuliani and Ukrainian government officials to alter U.S. policy in that country will obviously be relevant to the impeachment investigation,” said Trevor Potter, president of the

Ukrainian-American businessman Lev Parnas and U.S. businessman David Correia appear with former U.S. Rep. Pete Sessions (R-TX), Rep. Kevin Brady (R-TX) and former Rep. Carlos Curbelo (R-FL) in a 2018 screen capture from Correia’s social media account made by the Campaign Legal Center and released after Parnas and Correia’s arrests on federal campaign finance violation charges in Washington, Oct. 10, 2019.

Whatever its source, the money opened the doors for the two operators, leading to valuable face time with the likes of Giuliani, DeSantis, former Republican House member Pete Sessions of Texas and eventually Trump.

“They sought political influence not only to advance their own financial interests but to advance the political interests of at least one foreign official — a Ukrainian government official who sought the dismissal of the U.S. ambassador to Ukraine,” U.S. Attorney Geoffrey Berman said, without disclosing the official’s identity.

Ukrainian-American businessman Lev Parnas is seen in a 2018 social media post appearing to show him at the White House with U.S. President Donald Trump in a screen capture from his social media account made in 2018 by the Campaign Legal Center and released by them after his arrest, Oct. 10, 2019.

In early May, nearly two months after the Mar-a-Lago donor meeting with Trump, Fruman met with Trump again. This time, he and Parnas participated in a “closed-door meeting” with Trump at the White House, Fruman told another Russian news site called New Times shortly after the meeting. 

“Only eight people” attended it, he said.

According to Fruman, the conversation centered on “preparations for the victory in the midterm elections to the U.S. Congress in November 2018.”

On social media, Fruman and Parnas flaunted their close ties to Trump and his inner circle.

Donald Trump Jr. is seen at a meal with, left to right, Trump campaign fundraiser Tommy Hicks Jr., Ukrainian-American businessman Lev Parnas and Belarus-born businessman Igor Fruman in a 2018 screen capture from Parnas’ social media account made by the Campaign Legal Center and released after Parnas and Fruman’s arrests on federal campaign finance violation charges in Washington, Oct. 10, 2019.

‘Incredible dinner’

On May 1, Parnas posted a photo of himself with Trump with the words “incredible dinner, and even better conversation.” On May 21, he posted a photo showing the two partners at a “power breakfast” at the Beverley Hills Polo Lounge with Donald Trump Jr. and Tommy Hicks Jr., the co-chair of the Republican National Committee.

“They were extremely successful with the contribution of a super PAC, as we’ve all seen now,” McCallion, the former federal prosecutor, said. “Mr. Trump might not remember it, but the nice smiling photographs of them with the president in the White House and certainly with Don Jr. and other senior Republicans at power breakfasts and other meetings.”

For Giuliani, who had been brought on board by Trump to defend him in the special counsel investigation into Russian election meddling, Fruman’s and Parnas’ Ukrainian ties were assets to leverage in his very public attempts to discredit the probe and dish up damaging information about Trump’s rivals.

In an

FILE – Rudy Giuliani is seen with Ukrainian-American businessman Lev Parnas at the Trump International Hotel in Washington, Sept. 20, 2019. Parnas has been arrested with another associate of Giuliani’s, Igor Fruman, a Belarus-born U.S. citizen.

through Republican political functions two years ago and quickly struck up a friendship.

“We’re good friends. We spend time together,” Parnas said. “We play golf together.”

It’s not clear how and when Fruman met Giuliani. Giuliani has described both men as his “clients.”

Then last year, Parnas said in the interview, he started receiving information from sources in Ukraine about the Bidens and alleged meddling in U.S. elections by Ukraine, and funneled it to Giuliani.

As the president’s personal lawyer, Giuliani, a former prosecutor, ran a dual-track mission of rebutting charges of collusion and obstruction against Trump while chasing leads to support the president’s assertion that the probe was a Democratic “witch hunt” to undo his presidency.

Served as fixers

In the latter effort, Parnas and Fruman served as Giuliani’s fixers, facilitating meetings with current and former Ukrainian officials while traveling to Ukraine to press the government to investigate the Bidens.

The effort in support of Giuliani’s mission, which they claim was self-funded, gained steam in late 2018 and remained their main preoccupation over the following months.

In late 2018, Parnas arranged a Skype call between Giuliani and Viktor Shokin, the former prosecutor who claims to have been fired in 2016 at the urging of Joe Biden, who was vice president at the time and the Obama administration’s point man on Ukrainian policy.

In January and February, Parnas and Fruman met with Shokin’s successor, Alexander Lutsenko, and with whom they say they discussed the corruption allegations against the Bidens.

More meetings followed throughout the spring and summer.

But the effort wasn’t always successful. In April, the duo traveled to Israel to meet with Ukrainian tycoon Igor Kolomoisky to seek his help in arranging a meeting between Volodymyr Zelenskiy, the new president of Ukraine, and Giuliani, but Kolomoisky, according to Ukrainian media, rebuffed the request.

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